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Summary:
In Dublin, students engaging in protests are acutely cognizant of their place in history, confidently asserting that they are aligned with the morally just side. Their awareness of the historical context underpins their activism, highlighting their commitment to social change and their belief in the righteousness of their cause. Their actions reflect a deep understanding of the implications of their protest in shaping the course of history.
By achieving their goal of convincing their university to divest from Israeli companies, they become part of a long legacy of student activists.
When it comes to making significant foreign policy decisions, history has shown that student protesters often have greater foresight than their detractors. While student activists were criticized for opposing the Vietnam War, hindsight has proven their judgments to be wise. Similarly, students suspended for protesting the Iraq War in 2003 now appear prescient, contrasting with the politicians and media figures who supported the conflict.
On Wednesday, the legacy of student activism was palpable in a Trinity College Dublin courtyard, where students proudly waved Palestinian flags alongside the Irish tricolor. Student union president László Molnárfi, basking in triumph, assured them that their protests would prevail globally, fueled by the righteousness of their cause. The students celebrated their victory with jubilation.
Prior to the establishment of the encampment, reminiscent of those at Columbia University in New York and UCLA in California, where police and pro-Israel activists met fierce resistance, Trinity College Dublin authorities were initially resistant to student demands. However, within days, they reversed course, committing to divest from Israeli companies, including those tied to illegal settlements in the West Bank. Academics for Palestine lecturers expressed pride, noting the unusual sensation of victory without the need for excuses or explanations for a loss.
Ireland's historical experience of British subjugation has fostered strong sympathies for the Palestinian cause, making it more receptive to such sentiments than many other Western nations. A recent poll revealed that over seven in ten Irish voters perceive Israel's treatment of Palestinians as apartheid. Prime Minister Simon Harris, referencing Ireland's history of famine, conveyed a message of condemnation to Israel's Benjamin Netanyahu on behalf of the Irish populace: "We are repulsed by your actions."
In contrast to the past, student protesters against Israel's actions in Gaza today garner widespread and rapid public sympathy, a departure from the situation during the Vietnam War era. Back then, protesters were often in the minority on campuses and in broader society. In 1967, nearly half of US college students supported escalating the conflict in Vietnam, with only 35% favoring de-escalation. Even a few years later, while college students were more likely to oppose President Nixon's Vietnam policies than the general public, a significant portion still approved. Joe Biden's remark about student protesters being "assholes" reflects the prevailing public sentiment of the time. By October 1970, a majority of Americans believed that campus unrest was instigated by "radical militant student groups," "irresponsible" troublemakers, and "radical professors" who encouraged rebellion.
The image depicts students and demonstrators protesting against the Vietnam War at Columbia University in New York in 1968. It captures a pivotal moment in history when activism against the war reached universities across the United States.
There are significant distinctions between the conflicts. While the United States provides weapons, aid, and diplomatic backing, former Palestinian negotiator Diana Buttu characterizes Gaza as an "Israeli-American war," American soldiers are not directly engaged in combat. In Vietnam, over 2.7 million Americans served, with more than 58,000 fatalities and over 300,000 injuries.
The student movement during the Vietnam War was both galvanized and manipulated by pro-war factions. Student deferments and exemptions from combat, often obtained by privileged individuals with connections, exacerbated class disparities, with working-class Americans bearing a disproportionate burden of combat casualties. This led to the portrayal of students as pampered and disrespectful of their working-class peers' sacrifices. The success of this smear campaign was evident in the violent assault by hundreds of US construction workers on peace protesters in New York City in May 1970, known as the Hard Hat riot, chanting "All the way, USA."
While opposition to current student protests in America exists, it lacks the deeply entrenched hostility seen in the backlash against the Vietnam peace movement. Individuals under 45 tend to be more sympathetic. Moreover, a significant number of Americans, particularly Democrats, perceive Israel's actions as genocide. This contrasts with the Vietnam era, highlighting a notable difference in public sentiment.
Protesters throughout history, including the suffragettes, often face patronization and demonization in their time. While suffragettes are now revered, they were once labeled as dangerous subversives and terrorists. Similarly, student protesters often encounter dismissiveness, characterized by condescending attitudes toward their perceived naivety and overconfidence. This "eyeroll" mentality reflects a belief that young activists need more worldly experience before forming firm opinions.
The confidence displayed by the protesters at Trinity College Dublin is rooted in historical awareness. They understand how past generations of student activists were treated and how their causes were ultimately judged. Given the gravity of the situation in Gaza, they believe that history will vindicate their actions, viewing it as a profoundly egregious injustice that demands urgent attention.
Source: the guardian